Let's see.
But millennials are grown up now — and they’re angry. As children, they were told that they could be anything, do anything, and that they were special. As adults, they have formed a unique brand of Identity Politics wherein the groups with which one identifies is paramount. With such a strong narrative that focuses on which group one belongs to, there has been an increasing balkanization of identities.
This is no different than previous generations. Millenials are no more angry than their predecessors. They spit the same hot fire than we've spat for ages, just over different issues of right or wrong. Ben Franklin created a fake persona, Silence Dogood, to talk shit without repercussion. People talk about MLK, but he spit white hot fire at the "white moderate" in his
Letter from Birmingham Jail. Does this not sound like a dreaded "SJW"?
I must make two honest confessions to you, my Christian and Jewish brothers. First, I must confess that over the past few years I have been gravely disappointed with the white moderate. I have almost reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro's great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen's Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to "order" than to justice; who prefers a negative peace which is the absence of tension to a positive peace which is the presence of justice; who constantly says: "I agree with you in the goal you seek, but I cannot agree with your methods of direct action"; who paternalistically believes he can set the timetable for another man's freedom; who lives by a mythical concept of time and who constantly advises the Negro to wait for a "more convenient season." Shallow understanding from people of good will is more frustrating than absolute misunderstanding from people of ill will. Lukewarm acceptance is much more bewildering than outright rejection.
Perhaps we should understand that, yes, you can find the tactics of those aligned in a similar cause to be incorrect. You can lament the outward harasser who sets back a cause as much as you can chide the sometimes ally who does not help.
Already we're beginning from an erroneous premise. Let's continue.
In an attempt to be open-minded toward other groups and to address social justice issues through a lens of intersectionality, clear and distinct lines have been drawn between people. One’s words and actions are inextricable from one’s identities. For example: this is not an article, but an article written by a straight, white, middle-class (etc.) male (and for this reason will be discounted by many on account of how my privilege blinds me — more on this later).
Does the writer disagree that your personal life experience give you a specific perspective? One that can make you blind to the realities of others?
And while that’s well and good (that is — pride in oneself and in one’s identity), the resulting sociopolitical culture among millennials and their slightly older political forerunners is corrosive and destructive to progress in social justice. And herein lies the problem — in attempting to solve pressing and important social issues, millennial social justice advocates are violently sabotaging genuine opportunities for progress by infecting a liberal political narrative with, ironically, hate.
Many will understand this term I used — millennial social justice advocates — as a synonym to the pejorative “social justice warriors.” It’s a term driven to weakness through overuse, but it illustrates a key issue here: that, sword drawn and bloodthirsty, millennial social justice advocates have taken to verbal, emotional — and sometimes physical — violence.
I refer you to the quote above. That's not hate. That's simply saying, "Hey, you're not as helpful as you think. you may think you're an ally but you're doing it wrong."
On the latter? Violence is never correct. Harassment is never correct. Attributing harassment to millennial social justice advocates - such an odd grouping - alone is specious at best.
This particular brand of social justice advocacy assaults reason in a particularly frightening way — by outright denying it and utilizing fear-mongering to discourage dissent. There is no gray: only black and white. One must mimic the orthodoxy or be barred forcibly from the chapel and jeered at by the townspeople. To disagree with the millennial social justice orthodoxy is to make a pariah of oneself willingly. Adherence to the narrative is the single litmus test for collegiate (and beyond) social acceptance these days.
Again, people say this, but many who seemingly agree with this article, find themselves a place on GAF? Did you somehow lie and pass the litmus test, or is the purported test not as bad as you think? I fail to see the problem being as large as the author purports.
Are there lines to be crossed, that are crossed regularly? Of course. But much of the hand-wringing is over the fact that people dislike being called out for their mistakes. If a co-worker says that black people are lazy and without work ethic, I'm not going to point out this error directly. This co-worker might be a good person, but that's a racist statement. (This has happened btw.)
Does that make the co-worker racist? I leave that up to you, but saying that we shouldn't point out the statement for what it is is simply foolhardy. As I've said before, people are more afraid of being called a racist than they are of doing actual racist actions. There's a fear and umbrage towards even broaching the subject, which frankly makes it hard to do so in an even-handed way. Trust me, I've tried.
Take, for instance, a topical example: the University of Virginia/Rolling Stone rape story debacle. The author of the article, Sabrina Rubin Erdely, writes an article accusing several members of the UVa student body of raping a girl named “Jackie.” “Jackie” is Erdely’s only source. In the Rolling Stone’s redaction article, Erdely and the Rolling Stone’s fact-checking is called into question and it is argued that “there were a number of ways that Erdely might have reported further, on her own, to verify what Jackie had told her.” Erdely took Jackie at face value. Why? Because, at the behest of millennial social justice advocates, we are told not to question rape victims. To do so is “victim blaming” and can potentially “re-traumatize” the victim.
Sigh, also a misrepresentation. See, we couch a fact in a larger opinion the author wants to present.
From the CJR report itself:
Yet the editors and Erdely have concluded that their main fault was to be too accommodating of Jackie because she described herself as the survivor of a terrible sexual assault. Social scientists, psychologists and trauma specialists who support rape survivors have impressed upon journalists the need to respect the autonomy of victims, to avoid re-traumatizing them and to understand that rape survivors are as reliable in their testimony as other crime victims.
Yet the explanation that Rolling Stone failed because it deferred to a victim cannot adequately account for what went wrong. Erdely’s reporting records and interviews with participants make clear that the magazine did not pursue important reporting paths even when Jackie had made no request that they refrain. The editors made judgments about attribution, fact-checking and verification that greatly increased their risks of error but had little or nothing to do with protecting Jackie’s position.
Over the years, trauma counselors and survivor support groups have helped journalists understand the shame attached to rape and the powerlessness and self-blame that can overwhelm victims, particularly young ones. Because questioning a victim’s account can be traumatic, counselors have cautioned journalists to allow survivors some control over their own stories. This is good advice. Yet it does survivors no good if reporters documenting their cases avoid rigorous practices of verification. That may only subject the victim to greater scrutiny and skepticism.
Problems arise when the terms of the compact between survivor and journalist are not spelled out. Kristen Lombardi, who spent a year and a half reporting the Center for Public Integrity’s series on campus sexual assault, said she made it explicit to the women she interviewed that the reporting process required her to obtain documents, collect evidence and talk to as many people involved in the case as possible, including the accused. She prefaced her interviews by assuring the women that she believed in them but that it was in their best interest to make sure there were no questions about the veracity of their accounts. She also allowed victims some control, including determining the time, place and pace of their interviews.
If a woman was not ready for such a process, Lombardi said, she was prepared to walk away.
Given the difficulties, journalists are rarely in a position to prove guilt or innocence in rape. “The real value of what we do as journalists is analyzing the response of the institutions to the accusation,” Bogdanich said. This approach can also make it easier to persuade both victims and perpetrators to talk. Lombardi said the women she interviewed were willing to help because the story was about how the system worked or didn’t work. The accused, on the other hand, was often open to talking about perceived failings of the adjudication process.
Rolling Stone's failure was Rolling's Stone failure. The author attempts to paint this as "we are told not to question rape victims", trying to establish the proponents of social justice put rape victims above all else. Incorrect, it's about respecting the trauma of potential victims and the social systems that weigh upon them. It's a problem, one the CJR report fully acknowledges, that the author attempts to question within the subsequent paragraphs.
Erdely and her editors had hoped their investigation would sound an alarm about campus sexual assault and would challenge Virginia and other universities to do better. Instead, the magazine’s failure may have spread the idea that many women invent rape allegations. (Social scientists analyzing crime records report that the rate of false rape allegations is 2 to 8 percent.)
On Blackstone's formation, the commentators correctly point out that the author is attempting to blend legal doctrine (which Blackstone's statement is about) and public opinion. Moving on.
To the social justice advocate of our time, conclusions are not contingent on facts; rather, facts are contingent on conclusions. In a global example of confirmation bias, the truth is malleable. The malleable truth is molded around the theoretical viewpoints of social justice. In order to uphold the sanctity of this viewpoint, adherents ostracize dissension. It’s nothing new — it’s a tactic as old as religion itself. Instead of holy texts, though, the millennial social justice advocate bows at the altar of the currently-in-vogue ideological Trinity: Marxism, Feminism, and Post-Colonialism.
Ooooooh. I get it. Cultural marxism and feminism are evil. I was wondering where the general thrust was coming from, but now I know.
To reverse a bit here, the constructs he's talking about are largely held up against some of these persecuted classes. If you point out that black people are routinely targeted by police action, something shown in numerous statistics, the narrative steadfastly remains that perhaps black people deserve it. If you point out that sexual assault is a wide-ranging problem - in college and real-life it's generally not random malcontents, it's those known by the victim - there remains a steadfast reliance on the idea that this is not true and false accusations rule the day, despite statistics from the CDC and other organizations.
Again, this is an emotional construct shared by many - oddly enough, it's why "privilege" arose as a concept, because people have issues seeing outside of their own biases and experiences - but the author attempts to paint it on millenials (why?), and specifically socially-minded millenials. Odd.
Let’s talk about racism. The mantra of the movement is thus: It is impossible to be racist against white people because racism is the equivalent of prejudice and power. Since white people have social and economic institutional power and privilege (in America), those who are racially oppressed cannot be racist toward whites since those who are racially oppressed do not have power.
Why can’t I simply rebut this with a trip to the dictionary? Because this is laughed at by social justice types. The image of a white person walking to the dictionary to define racism is literally a trope at this point because the millennial social justice advocate finds it so entertaining that a dictionary, constructed by those in power for those who speak the language of power, can possibly give an accurate definition of a word.
Also incorrect. The idea is that systemic racism tends to affect minorities more as those in power tend to be white. You can be racist against anyone, but the widely-seen effects of racism are, in the US, largely aimed in a specific direction. Same with the sexism he attempts to bring up.
Honestly, as I dig farther and farther in this article, my energy to refute it wanes. Not because I have nothing to say, but because you can already tear up half of the article.
The author, like UVA story he mentions, has a specific opinion and view of the world he wants to present. You can see that within the language he uses and the concept he attacks. Hoff Sommers' (who I've already talked about at length) attempt to misuse statistics is literally the same thing the author decries, yet he's blind to it because he prefers a specific viewpoint. Sommers disagrees with the pay gap because it attempts to average oput unrelated fields? The gap doesn't disappear when you account for that.
http://www.bloomberg.com/bw/article...men-even-when-they-are-equally-qualified-mbas
But even within the same fields, women were paid less than men. Indeed, 17 of 22 industries that hired MBAs last year offered women less money. Women entering finance earned, on average, close to $22,000 less than men, the largest pay differential among companies that drive MBA hiring. Women were offered $12,300 less by tech companies, and $11,500 less by consulting firms than their male peers.
We limited this analysis to people who had full-time jobs lined up; so there was no gender difference in their commitment to working a full day. Even with those things being equal, the pattern held.
Career-switchers should, in theory, be on a level playing field. A man entering a new industry straight out of an MBA program has the same amount of experience in that industry (none) and the same level of education as a woman in the same situation. Yet women who were switching into tech, finance, or consulting—the three industries that hire the most MBAs—made an average of $12,800 less than men who were also newbies. Men who were in one of these jobs before business school, and stayed the course after graduating, made $13,300 more than women on the same path.
The postgraduation gap also wasn’t explained by the fact that women, on average, were making less than the men to start with. When we controlled for people’s compensation before getting to campus, the gap narrowed, but didn’t disappear. Women made about $8,500 less than men upon graduating regardless of what they were pulling in beforehand.
No, it doesn't have to do with the jobs women take. Even within the same position, women are offered less. That's why it's a White House priority, because it's a real problem. Not because people said things real loud. If that was the case, police departments across the country would be less likely to target minorities, because everyone is saying a whole lot about that.
The author should probably heed their own words:
Using misleading statistics to push an agenda does no one any good.
Finally:
Those who need to hear this message will probably respond that I am 1. too privileged to understand 2. tone-policing the oppressed (and that I shouldn’t tell the oppressed how to treat their oppressors) and 3. really just a closet racist/sexist in a liberal’s clothing. I expect these responses — partially because I am so used to having seen this script play out over the last four years at NYU.
You are none of those things. You are simply incorrect. You make wide statements that sound good, but your ability to back those statements up with true information is lacking. It's worth the time to rebut simply because people are agreeing to it without thinking, but on its own, it does not represent revolution thinking and intellectual honesty. Thus, I am done with Aristotelis Orginos.
The problem is there's no PC culture. It's not millenials. It's mostly the rise of the internet bringing like-minded communities together and allowing direct connection with those you disagree with. I know as a black person that I'm not alone, there are others like me, who feel like me. And one someone says something racist, like Phil Robertson's "black people had it good under slavery nonsense" I can reach directly out on Twitter or via Email to make my discontent heard.
In the past, other may have felt alone. In the past, letter-writing campaigns would take forever to have a measurable effect. That doesn't mean the feelings and thoughts didn't exist. People are like "holy crap! where did all this come from?" It was always there. What we have are groups of people who have been marginalized for a long time, coming together. Are some of them angry? Entirely possible. When you are told your race is lazy or your sexuality is immoral and can be fixed, that can have an effect.
Is teaching and helping a good idea? Of course it is. Rock on. Should the burden of teaching and helping be solely on the back of every minority? Of course not. The burden is equally shared with the majority to step up, reach down, and attempt to understand others. If you are hurt (or angry I might note) by people simply dismissing your viewpoint, imagine the results of years of fear of being beaten or killed. Of being ignored, hate, and set aside. Of being systematically targeted while people call it "right" and "fair". Do that, and perhaps you'll find that understanding we're all looking for.