August 5, 2015
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN ROUNDTABLE WITH REPORTERS
Roosevelt Room
2:55 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: So Ive been talking a lot. (Laughter.) And as a result, Im not going to give you a big windup. I would say I laid out a pretty comprehensive outline of my views on this whole issue. Ill just reiterate a couple of things.
Number one, before I even came into office, I said that preventing Iran from getting a nuclear weapon was a priority. Number two, I said that our commitment to Israels security was unbreakable. Number three, I said that I would not hesitate to use force where necessary, but part of my mandate was to change how we think about decisions to go to war, and to make sure that we engage in serious diplomacy and, where possible, create international coalitions in order for us to advance our interests around the world. This deal, I think, represents a convergence of all these principles.
On the merits, it addresses a central security concern of the United States, of our allies, and of the world. It is the most detailed, most rigorous, most comprehensive nonproliferation agreement ever negotiated. It cuts off the pathways for Iran to get a nuclear weapon. It does so in a way that is verifiable. It preserves space for us over at least the first 15 years to not just monitor what they do, but also to, as a practical matter, slow down even their peaceful nuclear program, and unifies the world around the principle that they can never have a nuclear weapon.
The arguments that have been made on the other side, as I said in the speech, dont hold up. The argument that somehow wed be better off if Iran is in a position to break out six months from now rather than 15 years from now defies logic. The argument that Iran will cheat ignores the fact that this is not your routine IAEA inspection program, but this is something that has been shaped by the U.N. Security Council and our partners and provides us the ability to terminate the agreement and snap back sanctions if we think that they are not being cooperative.
The argument that the money Iran receives will potentially turbocharge their nefarious activities in the region has some element of truth because, as I said in the speech, its inconceivable that the RGC and the Quds Force and others dont get some either relief from fiscal pressure that theyre feeling or additional resources to carry forward various strategies that they have. But as I pointed out, Iran has enormous economic obligations that they have to meet. Rouhani was elected in part to deliver on those commitments. And the biggest problems with Iran in the region are not due to the size of their resources, but due to the fact that theyve been more effective in supporting proxies and stirring up dissension and conflict in the region than we or our allies have been in stopping those activities.
And if that is our primary concern, then ― and it should be one Iran is not getting a nuclear weapon ― then the more direct way to address those is through some of the steps that I outlined ― partnering with the Gulf countries, partnering with Israel, looking at ways that we can be more effective in interdiction of arms shipments to Hezbollah, addressing some of the intelligence gaps that currently exist.
The notion that somehow we are going to be more effective in dealing with those issues with the prospect of a nuclear-armed Iran looming on the horizon doesnt make sense.
So of all the foreign policy issues that Ive addressed since Ive been President, Ive never been more certain that this is sound policy, that its the right thing to do for the United States, that its the right thing to do for our allies.
The fact that there is a robust debate in Congress is good. The fact that the debate sometimes seems unanchored to facts is not so good. My expectation is, is that I will be able to maintain sufficient congressional support to move forward on the deal. But I think the purpose of todays speech was to put these decisions in context, because I do think that there are some larger issues at stake in terms of how we approach foreign policy debates in this country, and the need for us to return to some semblance of bipartisanship and soberness when we approach these problems.
